Israel
PM Ehud Olmert Provides The Herzliya Conference Address
By
Joel Leyden
Israel News Agency
Jerusalem, Israel ----- January 23, 2008 ....... The Herzliya
Conference has become the annual "summit meeting"
of the most influential Israel and international leaders. Participants
at this Israel Conference include Israel government officials,
Knesset members and ministers, senior defense officials, leaders
of the Israel business community, senior academicians, media
representatives from Israel and abroad, representatives from
various leading Jewish organizations in the Diaspora, dignitaries
from abroad and the diplomatic corps in Israel.
The
Herzliya Conference provides Israel's center stage for the articulation
of national policy by its most prominent leaders: the Israel
President, the Israel Prime Minister, the IDF Chief of General
Staff, and the leading contenders for high political office.
Israel Prime Minister Ariel Sharon chose to deliver his most
important foreign policy speeches, now commonly known as "The
Herzliya Address", at the Herzliya Conferences. In the
Fourth Herzliya Conference he announced his support for the
Road Map"; and at the Fifth Herzliya Conference,
he presented for the first time his unilateral disengagement
plan.
The
Herzlia Conference is without a doubt the most prestigious event
to take place in Israel.
It is a gathering of the whos-who and the Israel News Agency
was there interviewing the key players for INA TV.
The
following is the Herzliya Conference Address, the annual hallmark
speech or the Israel version of the State of the Union given
by the Prime Minister of Israel.
Israel Prime
Minister Ehud Olmert told the participants of the Herzliya Conference
the following:
"I have come here to discuss the future. I do not intend
to avoid serious, in-depth and responsible discussion on what
has occurred, on what has failed and primarily on what was achieved.
This discussion has its place, and I will take part in it as
I promised - without cover-up, without vagueness and
without evasion.
I
will respond with reserve and with deliberation - because I
believe that responsible leadership includes accepting relevant
criticisms, placing in the proper perspective within the entire
scope of things, internalizing part of it and moving on. To
summarize 2007, I would like to mark a fact that is clearly
felt today by the broader public in the country. It is quiet
in the North of Israel.
There is no daily friction and no firing of missiles or Qassams.
It has not lasted one day nor one month, but rather 18 long
months. This is the longest period of quiet experienced in Northern
Israel in over 25 years. The North is blossoming and flourishing.
No one is happier than I am about this.
There is no doubt that the Hizbullah has greatly reinforced
the number of weapons at its disposal. They are as numerous
as they were on the eve of the 12th of July, 2006. The Hizbullah
has more rockets, more missiles and more weapons, some new and
dangerous, which were given to them by Iran and
Syria. However, were it not for the fighting in July and August
2006 - would they have any fewer weapons? Would the Hizbullah
be weakened? Would it lack the tools of war? Would they have
fewer missiles?
The
unarguable fact is that the Hizbullah is not deployed along
Israels border in the North; its fighters do not come
into contact with our soldiers, and not one Hizbullah missile
or rocket has been fired towards
Israel for a year-and-a-half. For the first time, the Lebanese
border is deployed on the border with Israel. For the first
time, there is an effective international force serving as a
buffer between ourselves and the
Hizbullah.
Is this the best situation we could have expected? Not necessarily.
Could this situation deteriorate into renewed fighting? This
is a possibility which can never be voided in the reality of
the Middle East. However, one thing is clear - the present situation
is inestimably better than it was in the past. There is quiet
and security for the residents of the North. The North is blooming
and prospering. However, the boys have not yet returned home
- I do not forget that for one moment.
If the quiet prevailing in the North would prevail today in
the southern part of the country, would we be occupied with
a daily counting of the number of rockets and missiles which
would be hoarded there in storerooms?
If for 18 months not one Qassam missile had been fired in Southern
Israel, would we be criticizing the political leadership, the
security system, the IDF fighters and their commanders, as some
have enjoyed doing, with such intense passion, following the
events in the North?
The question is not the number of rockets and how many missiles
our enemies possess. They possess more than we would like and
these weapons are not intended as fireworks - there is no dispute
regarding this.
However, the decisive question is, how enthusiastic are they
to use these weapons? How badly do they want to use them in
the north of the country? The facts speak for themselves.
There is no firing. For a year-and-a-half, there has been quiet.
This is not coincidental. It reflects the strength of the State
of Israels deterrence towards Hizbullah and towards all
those equipped with long-range weapons, including rockets and
missiles in that region of the country.
Deterrence is not measured in the number of decibels of statements
made in town squares. We are not competing in this arena - not
with our enemies, and not to mention in the same breath, or
with our political rivals in this countrys democratic
system.
One thing is known, clear and understood - not only to a number
of confidants in the security system and the top political echelon,
but also to many residents of the country and leaders around
the world - our enemies in the North are not rushing to fight
us. They know why.
The reasons are clearly noticeable; they are in the air; they
are felt in the region; they are known to all those who need
to know. They reflect Israels tremendous strength, and
the courage and determination of its fighters, all its fighters,
at all levels and at all ranks, privates and company commanders
alike. I admire and respect all of them for their bravery, for
fighting and for their sacrifices. They were there, and there
are those who did not return, and I do not blame them for the
criticism, reservations and protests which they express.
And if I have not been clear, I would like to add, from the
bottom of my heart - I appreciate and respect the determination
and courage, the sacrifice and willingness of our fighters,
both regular and reserve,
soldiers and officers alike, company commanders and regiment
commanders alike. And if anyone posed as my confidant
and said otherwise, he is not my confidant.
These are the reasons why, in the final tally, after taking
into consideration all the events, the disappointments, the
failures, the achievements and the victories - I am not sorry
for the crucial decisions I led as Prime Minister - not those
related to the fighting in Lebanon and not
those related to other events.
Were mistakes made? Yes. Were there failures? Certainly. However,
lessons were learned, shortcomings were rectified, patterns
of action were changed and primarily: the decisions made since
then have led to increased security, more quiet, less terror,
more deterrence and increased prosperity
for the State of Israel than it has experienced for many years.
The economic situation has improved beyond recognition: imports
have increased, foreign investments have grown, the balance
of payments is positive, unemployment has dropped below 7%,
the number of people living in poverty has decreased and the
Holocaust survivors are being taken care of as never before.
All this is not the result of happenstance, but rather as part
of a planned economic policy and the faith of the international
community. Living in Israel has improved.
While Israel is occupied with the struggle against terror in
the South and strengthening deterrence in the North - the Government
of Israel is occupied with the continuation of negotiations
with the Palestinian Authority. The very existence of diplomatic
negotiations always involves internal tension given the extreme
sensitivity of the issues on the agenda. It was so in the past,
and it is so today - perhaps today more than ever.
Let me say at the outset: there is not, nor will there be, any
political, party or personal consideration which will deflect
me from the effort of reaching a political arrangement with
the Palestinian Authority. I am familiar with all the arguments
against negotiations: those which are anchored entirely in personal
or party needs and those - although I do not agree with them
- which are explained by public considerations which are deserving
of discussion.
Even if I cannot commit that a political agreement can be reached
with the Palestinian Authority during 2008, we are doing everything
in our power to achieve one. The Israel Minister of Foreign
Affairs is investing most of her time conducting negotiations
with representatives of the Palestinian Authority,
headed by Abu Ala.
At the same time, the Israel Minister of Defense maintains ongoing
contact with the Palestinian Prime Minister, Salam Fayyad, and
with those charged with security in the Palestinian Authority,
in order to ensure that Israels security interests are
not harmed. I am continuing with the round of meetings set with
the President of the Palestinian Authority, and naturally these
talks are moving forward in the matters under negotiation, and
are conducted in a serious, friendly and honest atmosphere.
The relations
between us are based on trust and credibility.
There are many hurdles which overshadow the chances of success
of this attempt. Terror obligates us to conduct unceasing operations
in Southern Israel, as well as in Judea and Samaria; the lack
of proper economic infrastructures in the Palestinian Authority,
the lack of social services, the lack of ruling and judicial
systems and the lack of mechanisms for enforcing civil law -
all these narrow the Palestinian sides space to maneuver,
and primarily Israels space to maneuver.
There are endless arguments why not to invest in the attempt,
why the chances are slim, why the dangers are great. I am aware
of this. I am familiar with these arguments, excuses and interpretations
- and yet, I am fully determined to continue ahead. We have
no other way but to conduct peace talks. We have no more promising
horizon of hope than the chance to hold dialogue with the present
Palestinian leadership.
They say that it is weak and does not have the necessary tools
to uphold commitments even if they sign them; they say that
in any case they do not rule in Gaza, so what is the point of
discussing Judea and Samaria with them. I say that there is
no better Palestinian leadership than this one - with this one,
we can discuss peace.
I would like to say something personal: for all my adult life
in this country, I have been exposed to convincing arguments
as to why not. During my ongoing experience in public life,
since the beginning of the 1970s - I was often occupied
with presenting arguments as to why we must not make
concessions. At all the decisive crossroads during the last
40 years, at points during which we had to compromise - we found
backing and support from outside and within as to why it would
be preferable not to compromise.
Like many and better than I, I also invested mental energy and
sifted through the range of facts that would help me convince
myself why it was forbidden and impossible, inadvisable and
dangerous.
Now - 40 years later - seeing the unadulterated reality can
no longer be avoided. I do not say this in order to invite a
collective ceremony of self-flagellation. Our enemies greatly
mistook us and engaged in horrendous terror, which has become
a way of life. Their obstinacy was unforgivable, and we must
wait and see if it has softened, and if they are ready for the
historic compromise which is unavoidable. I am not certain it
is so, but I am ready and want to try.
Now we must understand that we do not have time. Once we were
afraid of the possibility that the reality in Israel would force
a bi-national state on us. In 1948, the obstinate policy of
all the Arabs, the anti-Israel
fanaticism and our strength and the leadership of David Ben-Gurion
saved us from such a state. For 60 years, we fought with unparalleled
courage in order to avoid living in a reality of bi-nationalism,
and in order to ensure that Israel exists as a Jewish and democratic
state with a solid Jewish majority. We must act to this end
and understand that such a reality is being created, and in
a very short while it will be beyond our control.
This does not mean that we will give up our right to fight the
Palestinian terror which threatens the security of Israel and
its residents quality of life, primarily in the South,
from the Gaza Strip, but also from Judea and Samaria.
We will continue to strike at the terrorist leaders in the Gaza
Strip, and will not hesitate to influence the quality of life
of its residents. The decisions of the Minister of Defense regarding
Gaza were made with my full agreement and consent. Under no
conditions, under no circumstances will we allow for a humanitarian
crisis to develop. We will not stop food for children, medicine
for those in need nor fuel for institutions tied to saving lives.
However, there is no justification or basis to demand that we
allow the residents of Gaza to live normal lives, while mortars
are fired and missiles are launched from their streets and the
courtyards of their homes towards Sderot and the communities
in the South.
Does anyone seriously believe that while children here wet their
beds at night from fear and are afraid to leave their homes,
they will live lives of quiet routine?
I have unequivocally clarified to all the involved parties,
first and foremost the President of the United States, but also
to our Arab neighbors and to the Palestinians with whom were
are conducting dialogue, that we will not accept nor compromise
with terror aimed at our citizens. No violent action on our
part against the terrorist bodies will be considered a breach
of any understanding or agreement.
All possibilities remain open. The stakes are high in the historic
opportunity we have ahead of us and it is fraught with danger.
However, it exists. It is based: on timing which is unprecedented
in the modern history
of the conflict between us and Palestinians, of a deserving
Palestinian leadership which desires peace with Israel and opposes
terror; of a sympathetic international community ready to mobilize
for the process and which supports the principles we believe
are vital; and of an American president committed to the security
of Israel and the unmistakable Jewish character of the country,
at a level which is unprecedented in our history.
The cooperation between Israel and the United States is accepted
by some among us as obvious. It is not. The level of intimacy
in the relations between Israel and the United States, and the
depth of their understanding as to the essential needs for the
security and future of the State of Israel
are unprecedented.
I wish I could share with you several of the details connected
to this strategic cooperation, the concern and the almost boundless
generosity of the current Administration, with coordination
which touches upon the smallest detail of the most decisive
issues regarding the future and prosperity of the State of Israel.
It is enough for me to mention the dramatic upgrading of foreign
aid which the United States decided to grant us, in the amount
of $6 billion, leading to a total of $30 billion over ten years.
This aid is the tip of a huge iceberg, which often floats below
the surface, the basis of which provides
us with a significant layer of protection, backing, support
and aid which are essential to Israel on issues which are inestimably
important to us.
These then are the opening facts, in the framework of which
Israel must decide whether or not to take advantage of the special
domestic and international circumstances, in order to deal with
the magnitude of the hour.
We do not have the right to miss this narrow and fragile opportunity,
as dangerous as it is. I have no right to place, even for one
second, my political comfort or that of my Government ahead
of this narrow fracture which I must penetrate to advance peace.
I do not have the moral right to serve as prime minister of
the Jewish people and the State of Israel if I do not take the
risks, face all the obstacles and be exposed to the challenges
involved in this exciting
attempt.
Therefore, I have no intention of letting go, no matter the
political and personal cost. Believe me, I am experienced enough
and keen-sighted enough to see all the ties and collaborations
of those swooping in with insatiable political lust on the blood
of our sons, of those who assist from within and
those who support from outside - and all for the purpose of
taking away from our people its chance for a new horizon.
Our people - a people longing for an opportunity of light at
the end of the dark tunnels which cloud our joie de vivre -
is a wise people. It knows who speaks the truth and who does
not. It knows who speaks from the heart and who speaks out of
insatiable lust for authority and power.
And it knows that there is no substitute for what I am offering,
cautiously and responsibly, but with boundless faith: to return
to a reality in which there is no full realization of all our
dreams of a large and broad country, but in which there is the
chance - perhaps the best ever - of a Jewish, democratic state
which lives in security, peace and with international support
and in hope which does not fade.
Thank you."
Principal
supporters of the 8th Annual Israel Herzliya Conference include:
Amb. Ronald S. Lauder, The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES), Israel
Ministry of Defense, Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Keren
Kayemeth LeIsrael - Jewish National Fund, Schusterman Foundation,
The Posen Foundation, The Russell Berrie Foundation, The Alan
B. Slifka Foundation and The Abraham Fund Initiatives, Joseph
and Harvey Meyerhoff Family Charitable Funds, The Jewish Agency
for Israel , Taglit birthright Israel, The Society for Excellence
through Education (SEE) and The Jerusalem Center for Public
Affairs.
The
Herzliya Conference was successfully coordinated by Prof. Uzi
Arad. Prof. Arad is the founding head of the Institute for Policy
and Strategy at the Lauder School of Government, Diplomacy and
Strategy of the Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya, where he
established and chairs the Annual Herzliya Conference Series
on Israels Balance of National Security. Concurrently,
advisor to the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee.
Prof. Arad served in the Mossad for twenty-five years holding
senior positions in Israel and abroad, his last position being
Director of Intelligence, after which he was appointed the Foreign
Policy Advisor to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Prior to
his career in government, he was a Professional Staff Member
with the Hudson Institute in New York and a Research Fellow
at Tel Aviv Universitys Center for Strategic Studies.